Jim Mattis, “Call Sign Chaos: Learning to Lead,” Penguin
Random House, 2019, 271 pp.
When I first saw the title of this book, I suspected
“Chaos” had something to do with the operation of Trump’s White House
during General Mattis’s short tenure as Secretary of Defense. Not so:..This is a book tracing Mattis’s four
decades as a Marine from enlistment through Obama’s reliving him of his command and his recall as Secretary of Defense. Mattis began this book long before he even
knew Trump. Any criticism of Trump is
oblique unless you think references to integrity, courage, dedication to
country and duty and NATO, reading hundreds of books, etc., are
criticisms.
Additionally, the only reference to Mattis’s time as Secretary of Defense is the reproduction of his letter of resignation in the appendix. And, the only public criticism of Trump that Mattis makes is after publication of this book when Trump said Mattis, as a General was very overrated. Mattis responded that Trump had said the same thing about Meryl Streep, he then went on to say “I earned my spurs in war, not from a Dr.” However the book is more direct in expressing disagreements with Trump’s Oval Office predecessors, especially Obama.
Additionally, the only reference to Mattis’s time as Secretary of Defense is the reproduction of his letter of resignation in the appendix. And, the only public criticism of Trump that Mattis makes is after publication of this book when Trump said Mattis, as a General was very overrated. Mattis responded that Trump had said the same thing about Meryl Streep, he then went on to say “I earned my spurs in war, not from a Dr.” However the book is more direct in expressing disagreements with Trump’s Oval Office predecessors, especially Obama.
James Mattis was Donald Trump’s defense secretary for
less than two years, resigning in December 2018. The general’s departure came
with headlines but little surprise. His resignation letter omitted any praise
for the commander-in-chief. “Because you have the right to have a secretary of
defense whose views are better aligned with yours,” he wrote, “I believe it is
right for me to step down.”
My Notes:
Pg. 11: Mattis
states that leadership fundamentals can be summed up in the three Cs: The first is competence, be brilliant in the
basics. Don’t dabble in your job; you
must master it…Second, caring. To quote Teddy Roosevelt, ‘Nobody cares how
much you know until they know how much you care.’…Third, conviction. Your subordinates must know what you will stand
for and what you won’t. State your flat-ass
rules and stick to them… Also, recruit for attitude, train for skill. (Chapter 2 title).
Pg. 13: Much of
the security challenges we deal with
today grew out of 1979. That year, a
radical Sunni splinter group seized the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Saudi Arabia,
Islam’s holiest site. Hundreds were
killed before the group was eradicated.
Also, in that year, Khomeini overthrew the Shah and the Soviet Union
was pouring troops into Afghanistan to prop up a pro-Russian government that
was opposed by Sunni Islamist fundamentalists and tribal factions. Additionally, within a year, Saddam Hussein
launched an eight-year war on Iran that would claim nearly a million
lives.
Pg. 42: “If you haven’t read hundreds of books, you are functionally illiterate,
and you will be incompetent because your personal experiences alone aren’t
broad enough to sustain you.”
Pg. 46: Mattis
walked into a conference of his subordinates and saw CHAOS written on the blackboard.
When he asked what it stood for he was informed: Does the “Colonel Have Another Outstanding
Solution.” This became his call sign
from then on and is part of this book’s title.
Pg. 177: Mattis believes that NATO is absolutely
necessary for geopolitical and cultural solidarity among Western Democracies (I have a problem reconciling Turkey relative to "cultural solidarity" in this statement). Friends who share enduring historical values
are needed as much today as when we stood united against fascism and
communism. Those values are foundational
to our Declaration of Independence and our Constitution. If we didn’t have NATO today we would have to
create it in order to hold on to our founding Father's vision of freedom and
rights for all. We must remember we are
engaged in an experiment called democracy and experiments can fail in a world
still largely hostile to freedom. The idea of American democracy as inspiring
as it is, cannot stand without the support of like-minded nations.
Pg. 179: Culture is a way of life shared by a group
of people—how they act, what they believe, how they treat one another, and
what they value. Peter Drucker, the
business guru, criticized business executives for devoting too much time to
planning, rather than understanding the nature of the corporation itself. The output of any organization, driven by its
culture, must reflect the leadership's values in order to be effective.
Pg. 195: No one contributes money to a presidential
campaign to be assigned ambassador to a Middle East country. Consequentially in these areas, we have the
best, the most proven, and the most experienced, Ambassadors in Iraq,
Afghanistan, Egypt, Jordan, and Yemen.
Pg. 203:
Wherever Mattis went during his tenure at CENTCOM*, he heard blunt
questions about the US’s reliability as a security partner. The impression of many Arab leaders was that
we might abandon them. The lack of
constancy in American foreign policy left them unsettled. Many were now openly doubting our word.
*CENTCOM: the
United States Central Command (CENTCOM) is one of the eleven unified combatant
commands of the U.S. Department of Defense. It was established in 1983, to
support U.S. interests in the Middle East.
Pg. 209f: In
October 2011, Prime Minister Maliki and President Obama agreed that all US
forces would leave Iraq at the end of the year.
Obama declared ‘we are leaving behind a sovereign, stable, and
self-reliant Iraq.” Supporting a sectarian
Iraqi prime minister and withdrawing all US troops were catastrophic decisions,
based on the conditions at the time.
After the fact, some political leaders called it an intelligence
failure; that was scapegoating because we had been warned that an Al
Qaeda—aligned terror group would come again.
That assessment was ignored (and ISIS resulted).
Pg. 218: Of all
the countries Mattis dealt with he considers Pakistan to be the most dangerous, because of the radicalization of
its society and the availability of nuclear weapons. The tragedy for the Pakistani people is that
they don’t have leaders who care about their future.
Pg. 228: To
prevent Assad from using chemical weapons on his populace, President Obama issued a
firm warning. “That’s a red line for us,” he said.
“There would be enormous consequences if we start seeing movement on the
chemical weapons front or the use of chemical weapons.” A short time later, Assad did employ chemical
weapons, killing hundreds of civilians.
Obama decided not to respond militarily, this was the shot not heard
around the world. And America today lives
with the consequences of emboldened adversaries and shaken allies.
Pg. 230: On
October 11, 2011, the FBI announced the arrest of two Iranians who were plotting
to bomb the Café Milano, an upscale restaurant in Washington D.C. They intended to assassinate the ambassador
from Saudi Arabia. Iran had intended to
commit an act of war. It would have been
the worst attack on the US since 9/11.
But instead, this incident was treated as a law enforcement
violation.
Pg. 233: Mattis
felt his traction inside the White House was eroding. While he fully endorses civilian control of
the military, he also would not surrender his independent judgment. Such as his belief that the military is not a
petri dish for social experimentation. In
2010 he argued against pulling all our troops out of Iraq. In 2011 he urged retaliation against Iran for
plotting to blow up a restaurant in our nation’s capital. In 2012 he argued for retaining a small but
capable contingent of troops in Afghanistan.
In each step along the way he argued for political clarity. In December 2012 he was relieved of his
command.
Pg. 244:
History is compelling. Nations
with allies thrive, and those without wither.
Alone, America cannot provide protection for our people and our
economy. By drawing like-minded nations
into trusted networks and promoting a climate of victory that bolsters allied
morale, we can best promote the values we hold dear and protect our nation at
the lowest cost.
Addenda:
While reading this book, it occurred to me that our
current lack of a financially supported, credible, non-partisan press, willing
and able to go into dangerous international areas, is one of the greatest
dangers this country faces. Leaving the
field to ne’er-do-wells was lately exemplified by Al-Jazeera’s erroneous
reporting of the US military attacking a wedding party in Afghanistan. This story was picked up by America's mainstream press and reported as fact. Six months
later retractions were printed with little notice. We now infrequently have a press presence in
dangerous places.
I’m confident the leadership skills and practices outlined in this book would work in most civilian environments, but I would have to think more about that in each individual case. However, Mattis sure makes a convincing case for following his advice and example when leading any military unit at any level.
Mattis’s explicit motive for writing was to “attempt
to pass to young leaders” the lessons of “over four decades of naval service.”
One important model is George Washington, whose philosophy Mattis summarizes as
“listen, learn, and help, then lead.” Mattis’s core principles serve as worthwhile information for many young officers: Learn the culture, define the problem, encourage audacity
and initiative, underwrite mistakes, protect mavericks, communicate intent
clearly.
My favorite Mattis quote: “If you haven’t read hundreds of
books, you are functionally illiterate, and you will be incompetent, because
your personal experiences alone aren’t broad enough to sustain you. Any
commander who claims he is ‘too busy to read’ is going to fill body bags with
his troops.”
Mattis saw action in Afghanistan and Iraq. He blames
Tommy Franks, head of US Central Command and an army general, for Osama bin
Laden’s escape from Tora Bora, his refusal to deploy the marines a key cause of
that debacle. As Mattis frames things: “We in the military missed the
opportunity, not the president, who properly deferred to his senior military
commander on how to carry out the mission.”
But Iraq was a different story, and there Mattis
places blame squarely on George W Bush for getting the US into the mess, and on
Barack Obama and Joe Biden for the mode of the eventual pullback. As for going
to war, Mattis observes: “Invading Iraq stunned me. Why were we fighting them
again?”
For Mattis,
Iran was an implacable foe. He also believes Tehran came to view the Obama
administration as 'impotent.'


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