Katherine Stewart, “The Power of Worshippers: Inside
the Dangerous Rise of Religious Nationalism, Bloomsbury, 2019, 277 pp.
For too long the Religious Right has
masqueraded as a social movement preoccupied with a number of cultural issues,
such as abortion and same-sex marriage. In her deeply reported investigation,
Katherine Stewart reveals a disturbing truth: this is a political movement that
seeks to gain power and to impose its vision on all of society. America's
religious nationalists aren't just fighting a culture war, they are waging a
political war on the norms and institutions of American democracy.
Stewart pulls back the curtain on the
inner workings and leading personalities of a movement that has turned religion
into a tool for domination. She exposes a dense network of think tanks,
advocacy groups, and pastoral organizations embedded in a rapidly expanding
community of international alliances and united not by any central command but
by a shared, anti-democratic vision and a common will to power. She follows the
money that fuels this movement, tracing much of it to a cadre of super-wealthy,
ultraconservative donors and family foundations. She shows that today's
Christian nationalism is the fruit of a longstanding antidemocratic,
reactionary strain of American thought that draws on some of the most troubling
episodes in America's past. It forms common cause with a globe-spanning
movement that seeks to destroy liberal democracy and replace it with
nationalist, theocratic and autocratic forms of government around the world.
Religious nationalism is far more organized and better funded than most people
realize. It seeks to control all aspects of government and society. Its
successes have been stunning, and its influence now extends to every aspect of
American life, from the White House to state capitols, from our schools to our
hospitals.
My Notes:
Pg. 6:
The widespread misunderstanding of Christian nationalism stems in
large part from the failure to distinguish between the leaders of the movement
and its followers. The foot
soldiers—the many millions of churchgoers who dutifully cast their votes for
the movements favored politicians—are the root source of its political
strength. But they are not the source of
its ideas.
Pg. 8:
In the age of Trump, the Republican party’s resolute rejection of the
democratic and constitutional norms that it once at least pretended to champion
would not have been possible without the prior success of Christian nationalism
in training millions of supporters to embrace identity-based, authoritarian
rule over pluralistic, democratic processes.
The roots of the present crisis in American political party system
lie at the juncture of money and religion.
Pg. 17:
Passed in 1954, the Johnson Amendment was intended to prevent public
money from passing through churches via tax deductions into the hands of
politicians. In theory, religious
organizations that engage in activities to directly sway elections could lose
their tax-exempt status. Christian
nationalists regularly decry it as an infringement of their religious freedom.
Pg. 63f:
It wasn’t until 1979—a full six years after Roe—that evangelical leaders
seized on abortion not for moral reasons, but as a rallying-cry to deny Carter
a second term. Why? Because the anti-abortion crusade was more palatable
than the religious rights real motive: protecting segregated schools. The IRS was attempting to rescind the
tax-exempt status of Bob Jones University because of its racially
discriminatory policies.
Pg 127:
In 2014, the Supreme Court in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc,
ruled 5-4 that business corporations may be said to possess religious belief
systems and enjoy the right of freedom of conscience. Even if that means refusing to comply with
federal law regarding the provision of comprehensive health insurance to female
employees.
Pg. 130:
Engel v. Vitale Supreme Court ruling in 1962: The majority, via Justice Black, held that
school-sponsored prayer violates the Establishment Clause of the First
Amendment. The majority stated that the provision allowing students to absent
themselves from this activity did not make the law constitutional because the
purpose of the First Amendment was to prevent government interference with
religion. The majority noted that religion is very important to a vast majority
of the American people. Since Americans adhere to a wide variety of beliefs, it
is not appropriate for the government to endorse any particular belief system.
The majority noted that wars, persecutions, and other destructive measures
often arose in the past when the government involved itself in religious
affairs.
(In 1963 with the case of School
District of Abington Township, Pennsylvania v. Schempp the Court
declared that school-sponsored Bible reading in public schools was
unconstitutional.)
Pg. 190:
In the aftermath of the Brown v. Board of Education
decision of 1954, vouchers first came to prominence in the 1950s and ‘60s as a
way to funnel state money to racially segregated religious academies.
Pg. 232:
According to the National Center for Education Statistics, the US spent
$668 billion on public primary and secondary education for the 2014-15 fiscal
school year. Christian nationalists
understand that if they can capture a portion of that figure in the name of
religious liberty, the money will flow without end.


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