Tim Alberta, “The
Kingdom, The Power, And The Glory: American Evangelicals in an Age of Extremism,,”Harper Collins, 2023,
445 pp..
My pursuit to understand Trumpism continues.
My Notes:
Pg. 60: The Supreme Court’s 1962 ruling in Engel v.
Vitale, which banned prayer in public schools, inflamed the intensifying
fights over curriculum relating to evolution, history, and human sexuality.
Pg. 115f: Back
in 2011 a survey asked Americans of all backgrounds to answer the question:
Could a politician who behaved immorally in their personal life still perform
their public duties with integrity? Only
30 percent of white evangelicals said yes, the lowest of any group
surveyed. In 2016 the same survey
revealed that 72 percent of white evangelicals answered that a politician who
behaved immorally in their personal life could still perform their public duties with
integrity.
Pg. 126: In
2007, 78 percent of Americans identified with Christianity, by 2021, it was
down to 63 percent.
Pg. 236:
Scholars generally believe that some 150,000 people were killed and as
many as 4 million others were displaced by the violence in the Balkans. Milosevic had risen to power by vilifying the
Muslim Kosovans within his state.
Pg. 302: In the
year after Trump left office, polling repeatedly showed one demographic group
most likely to believe that the election had been stolen, that vaccines were
dangerous, that globalists were controlling the US population, that liberal
celebrities were feasting on the blood of infants, that resorting to violence
might be necessary to save the country: white evangelicals.
Pg. 438f: Since
1944, the Gallup polling organization has asked Americans whether they believe
in God. That number remained north of 90
percent for much of the past century; as recently as 2016, a full 89 percent of
Americans responded in the affirmative.
In 2022, that number reached an all-time low of 81 percent. Also, fifty years ago, only 9 percent of
Americans said they never attended worship services, but by 2022 that number
had reached 33 percent.
NYT Review:
What would Jesus do? It’s a question that the political
journalist Tim Alberta takes seriously in his brave and absorbing new book,
“The Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory,” pressing the evangelicals he meets to
answer a version of it — even if a number of them clearly do not want to.
Alberta, a staff writer for The Atlantic, asks how so
many devout Christians could be in thrall to a figure like Donald Trump, whom
he calls a “lecherous, impenitent scoundrel.” According to one of the scoops in
the book, Trump himself used decidedly less vivid language to describe the
evangelicals who supported Senator Ted Cruz in the 2016 Republican primaries,
telling an Iowa Republican official: “You know, these so-called Christians
hanging around with Ted are some real pieces of shit.” Many of Cruz’s evangelical supporters eventually backed Trump in 2016;
in the 2020 election, Trump increased his share of the white evangelical vote
even more, to a whopping 84 percent.
This phenomenon, Alberta says, cannot simply be a matter
of evangelicals mobilizing against abortion access and trying to save lives;
after all, they have kept remarkably quiet when it comes to showing compassion
for refugees or curbing gun violence, which is now, as Alberta notes, the leading cause of death for
children in the United States.
What he finds instead is that under the veneer of
Christian modesty simmers an explosive rage, propelling Americans who piously
declare their fealty to Jesus to act as though their highest calling is to own
the libs. No wonder the popular image of evangelicalism, according to one
disillusioned preacher, has devolved into “Mister Rogers with a blowtorch.”
Alberta’s previous book, “American Carnage” (2019),
detailed Trump’s takeover of the Republican Party. His new book reads like a
sequel, tracing the Trumpian takeover of American evangelicalism, but this time
Alberta begins with his very personal connection to his subject. He is “a
believer in Jesus Christ,” he writes, “the son of an evangelical minister,
raised in a conservative church in a conservative community,” a suburb of
Detroit.
In the summer of 2019, just after “American Carnage” was
published, his father died suddenly of a heart attack. At Cornerstone, his
father’s church, some of the congregants approached the grieving Alberta not to
console him but to complain about his journalism, demanding to know if he was
on “the right side.” One church elder wrote a letter to Alberta complaining
about the “deep state” and accusing him of treason.
The experience was so surreal that Alberta decided to
find out what had happened to his religious community. During Trump’s
presidency, his father had moved farther to the right, but despite their
differences, their love for each other was undiminished. Alberta interviewed his
father’s handpicked successor, Chris Winans, who is “not a conservative
Republican” and spoke candidly about how “God’s people” have always had to
contend with worldly temptations that could lead them astray: “I want to be in
power, I want to have influence, I want to be prosperous, I want to have
security.” Many of Winans’s congregants left for a church down the road that
preached the kind of “blood-and-soil Christian nationalism” they wanted to
hear. “The church is supposed to challenge us,” Winans says. “But a lot of
these folks don’t want to be challenged.”
“The Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory” charts a transformation in evangelicalism, from a midcentury moment when white American Christians were such a dominant force in the country that many could “afford to forget politics” to a time when many more feel, as one prominent pastor puts it, “under siege.” Alberta suggests that this panic has less to do with any existential threat to American Christianity than a rattled presumption of privilege. “Humility doesn’t come easy to the American evangelical,” he writes. “We are an immodest and excessively indulgent people.”
A crisis of leadership has compounded the problem.
Alberta offers a deeply reported account of the cascading scandals that
have consumed Liberty University, an “insular, paranoid family business”
coupling authoritarian rules with “flagrant misconduct.” (Jerry Falwell Jr.,
the former president of Liberty and the son of its founder, was already
indulging his “tyrannical instincts” long before “he became ensnared in a love triangle with
his wife and a Miami pool boy,” Alberta writes.) Another chapter describes the
struggle to bring to account pastors who victimized congregants in a church
that has become “institutionally desensitized” to sexual abuse.
Alberta takes heart that new congregations are springing
up in unlikely places. Attending a service in an Atlanta distillery, he sees
people who are there “to be discipled, not demagogued.” But his reporting keeps
leading him to opportunistic impresarios who realize that the painstaking work
of building a congregation can be made infinitely easier with expedient
shortcuts. Political mudslinging offers a “dopamine rush.” Exaggerating threats
and calling the other side evil means that whatever you do, no matter how
outrageous or cruel or contrary to Scripture, can be defended as righteous.
In 2021, at a rowdy protest against pandemic shutdowns
hosted by FloodGate Church in Michigan, a few miles from Cornerstone, Alberta
saw a lot of American flags in the sanctuary but not a single cross. “I
couldn’t suppress a feeling of absolute disgust,” he writes about the spectacle
that followed. To get a fuller picture, he returned repeatedly to FloodGate and
talked to its pastor, but the church was committed to political warfare at all
costs. “I never ceased to be aghast at what I heard,” he writes.
For the most part, though, Alberta hangs back, letting
the people he interviews say what they want — or refuse to say what they don’t.
The most belligerent culture warriors tend to shy away from talking about
helping immigrants and the poor, since bashing the left tends to stimulate
conservative passions more reliably than trying to teach Jesus’ example of good
deeds and turning the other cheek. The dynamic turns out to be mutually
reinforcing — or mutually destructive. One preacher, a “former Southern Baptist,”
says that pastors are now “afraid of their own congregants.”
It’s a situation that recalls Alberta’s account in
“American Carnage,” in which establishment Republicans naïvely thought they
could use Trumpism to their advantage while maintaining control over their
party and constituents. “Those fabled gatekeepers who once kept crackpots away
from positions of authority no longer existed,” Alberta writes in “The Kingdom,
the Power, and the Glory.” Instead of issuing guidance, too many “so-called
shepherds” resort to pandering — and their congregants end up even more wayward
than before.
At an event organized by the Faith and Freedom Coalition, Alberta meets a man selling T-shirts emblazoned
with “Let’s Go Brandon,” the
conservative chant that stands in for a four-letter expletive directed at Joe
Biden. The T-shirts include the hashtag #FJB as a handy reminder. The
proprietor explains that his merchandise is responding to the fact that “we’ve
taken God out of America.”
Alberta asks the man whether the #FJB is an appropriate
way to bring God back. “People keep on asking for it,” he replies with a shrug.
“You’ve got to give the people what they want.”


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