Tuesday, September 13, 2016

One Man Against The World

Tim Weiner One Man Against The World,” Holt & Co., 2015, 320 pp.

Here’s a book that will make you feel much better about the coming election.  If the country survived Richard Nixon—and we did—how much more, may I say, deplorable, can this election’s results be?  You just cannot make this stuff up.  Even so, after all these years one might believe there is little more to be said about Richard Nixon, but in the past few years a large number of documents have been declassified between 2007 & 2014.  These recent documents & tapes (secret taping began in February 1971) show a man who distrusted everyone: his cabinet, congress, and the American population;  A man who sabotaged President Johnson’s Vietnam Paris peace talks so that he could be President and thus the one to bring peace.  That war and the Watergate controversy were linked and brought about Nixon’s resignation to avoid impeachment.

Most everyone thinks of Watergate when Nixon’s name comes up.  But Watergate was more than a botched burglary: Warrantless burglaries and bugs, lies obstructing justice, attempting to use the CIA to block the FBI, black bags crammed with hush money, B-52 bombings erased by falsified records, all this is included under the Watergate mantra.  Also, this is a book outlining the questionable behavior of Kissinger.

My Notes:
Pg. 2:  This book is a history of Nixon’s anguished presidency.  It concentrates on the intertwined issues of war and national security, because Nixon spent so many of his hours and so much of his power wrestling with those twin demons.  (He spent little time on domestic issues).
Nixon’s grasp on power began to slip soon after he won reelection in 1972 by a margin of almost eighteen million votes, the largest in American history.  He was undone by the slow but steady revelation of ‘the White House horrors;’ the Watergate break-in was only one of those horrors, and hardly the worst.

Pg. 12:  FBI director J. Edgar Hoover had urged Nixon to be on the lookout for Communist infiltration of the American government when Nixon was a member of the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1947.  Nixon and the committee’s Republican staff were then supplied secret information from the FBI.  That information would soon propel Nixon to power by his unceasing hunt for traitors and spies.  Thus began an alliance that would last a quarter century.  Nixon became a leading figure in the Cold War’s culture of espionage and counterespionage, where bugging, break-ins, and wiretaps without warrants were weapons of political warfare.  As president, Nixon would call Hoover ‘my closest friend in all of political life.’ (Later in his presidency he wanted to get rid of Hoover but was afraid what Hoover could reveal about him).

Pg. 20: Nixon had learned through his associations with the CIA and the FBI during his years under Eisenhower that suitcases stuffed with cash were instruments of foreign policy for an American commander in chief.  He now applied the methods of covert operations to obtaining campaign contributions from foreign sources.

The Greek military junta contributed $549,000 to the Nixon campaign.  A coalition of right-wing leaders in Italy served as another source of covert contributions to Nixon, kicking in hundreds of thousands of dollars.  Nixon liked to reward his contributors when he could: as president, he personally approved millions of dollars in covert support to right-wing Italian politicians through the CIA and tens of millions in weapons sales to the Greek colonels through the Pentagon. 
Mary Woods, Nixon’s personal secretary since 1951, handled American corporate executives who gave at least four million dollars to the campaign off the books.  She made the appointment when the president of Phillips Petroleum personally delivered fifty thousand dollars in cash to Nixon at the candidate’s Fifth Avenue apartment in New York City.  She told Nixon about an off-the-record seven-figure contribution collected by Wiley Buchanan, a Texas millionaire.  The 1968 Nixon campaign also had the ability to tap wellsprings of cash whose ultimate source is still a mystery.

Pg. 24:  Philip Habib a senior State Department diplomat at the Paris peace talks with North Vietnam in 1968 thought that the war would have ended if Nixon had not sabotaged the talks.  Somebody got to South Vietnam’s leader General Thieu on behalf of Nixon and told him not to participate in the Paris peace talks, he would get a much better deal from Nixon when he became president.  Later, when it became obvious that peace was not at hand, the polls showed the pendulum of popular opinion swinging to Nixon and away from Humphrey.  President Johnson discovered Nixon’s treachery but determined not to it because the information had been obtained by tapping General Thieu’s phone, the president of South Vietnam.  Nor, did Johnson believe, could the electorate tolerate a last-minute political bombshell of this magnitude.  If Nixon won, the revelation could destroy him before he was sworn into office.  Nixon won by a margin of fewer than half a million votes, a narrow plurality, not a ringing majority: 43.4 percent of the vote to Humphreys 42.7 percent, with George C. Wallace winning 13.5 percent. 

(Walt Rostow* wrote the last chapter of the story in 1973.  Rostow had smuggled out of the White House the key documents that told the tale.  He had copies of the NSA’s reports, the FBI wiretaps, and a cable from the CIA station in Saigon that directly quoted President Thieu.  He sent the documents to the LBJ Presidential Library with a request that it remain secret for fifty years.  (From Nixon’s point of view, Johnson’s bombing halt and peace talks were perceived as an effort to boost Humphrey’s chances)

*Walt Rostow:  an economic historian who became one of the principal architects and passionate defenders of the Vietnam War as an adviser to Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson.
Pg. 33:  Kissinger’s right-hand man was Alexander M. Haig, his military assistant at the National Security Council.  Haig rose in rank from colonel to four-star general under Nixon without leading troops in combat.  Haig was a rarity in American history: a political general, much like his hero MacArthur, but without the military experience.

Pg. 49:  On April 15, 1969, Nixon learned that North Korea had shot down an American spy plane in international waters over the Sea of Japan.  Thirty-one Americans were killed aboard the navy EC-

121 aircraft operated by the National Security Agency.  The Pentagon, among other ideas, proposed to strike back with nuclear weapons.  Ultimately, after much discussion, Nixon did little.  He sent a meager show of force, sending a flotilla of navy ships into the Sea of Japan.

Pg. 52:  Nixon instructed Haldeman in June 1971 that the going price to be an ambassador must be at least $250,000.  (Multiply by 7 for in-today’s dollars).

Pg. 83:  In 1970 Nixon ordered Ehrlichman to conduct undercover investigations of his Senate opponents—notably, Teddy Kennedy, Edmund Muskie, Birch Bayh, and William Proxmire.  Nixon wanted an ‘all-out hatchet job on the Democrat leaders,’ including the use of the IRS to investigate their finances. 

Pg. 98:  In March 1970 Nixon stated to his aides that thousands of Americans under the age of thirty were ‘determined to destroy our society’, and good intelligence was ‘the best way to stop this terrorism.’  This resulted in the Huston Plan by Tom Charles Huston, a twenty-nine-year-old army intelligence veteran.  Immediately, Huston went to Hoover’s intelligence chief, Bill Sullivan, who had the outlines of the plan already in hand.  The plan would have FBI agents and their counterparts free to intensify the electronic surveillance of American citizens, read their mail, burglarize their homes and offices, step up undercover spying on college campuses—in short, keep on doing what the Bureau had been doing for decades, but in closer coordination with the CIA and the NSA, and with the secret imprimatur of the president of the United States.  The president said he approved the plan.  But Hoover flew into a rage when he realized that it would have to be carried out with his signature, not Nixon’s.  Hoover said, ‘I’m not going to accept the responsibility myself anymore, even though I’ve done it for many years.  It is becoming more and more dangerous and we are apt to get caught.’  Mitchell then convinced Nixon to drop it as Hoover would find a way to leak the plan if ordered to sign it.  (Parts of this plan later re-emerged and was put in play).

Pg. 106:  On September 15, 1970, after hearing that Allende had won the presidency of Chile, despite millions already spent by the CIA against him, the CIA director told his most senior officers that Nixon had ordered the Agency to stop Allende (if necessary, by backing a military coup) and to keep their plans hidden from the secretary of state, the secretary of defense, and the American ambassador to Chile.  The planned coup failed but in 1973 the coup Nixon commanded would come, inaugurating seventeen years of dictatorship in Chile, a generation of political repression and thousands of deaths.

Pg. 121:  The Pentagon Papers, commissioned by Defense Secretary Robert McNamara in 1967 and completed just before Nixon took office in 1969, detailed the history of the Vietnam War, beginning with the first American involvement in the conflict in 1954.  The gist was that America’s military and civilian leaders had been lying to one another, and to the American people, about the course and the conduct of the war.

Pg. 122:  Daniel Ellsberg had been a marine lieutenant with a Harvard degree and had served two years in Vietnam.  He believed the Pentagon Papers had the power to cause the scales to fall from the eyes of the American public and they would demand peace in Vietnam.  He gave six thousand pages of the papers to a New York Times reporter. This reporter was named Neil Sheehan, a reporter who had covered Vietnam going back to 1962.  Among items in the Papers was the revelation that the Kennedy administration had aided and abetted the military coup that led to the killing of President Diem of South Vietnam in November 1963, only three weeks before JFK was assassinated.  (The Supreme on June 30 ruled 6 to 3 allowing the Times to publish stating, ‘Only a free and unrestrained press can effectively expose deception in government.’) Note: few people before or after publication ever read these papers: I did.

Pg. 138:  In 1971 Nixon told Haldeman to set up a meeting in which he intended to fire J. Edgar Hoover for refusing to conduct illegal bugging and break-ins against Nixon’s political enemies. (However, Nixon backed off of this as he was afraid what Hoover could do to Nixon if he was fired.) 
Nixon also wanted proof that Kennedy was directly complicit in the murder of Diem.  Howard Hunt got to work using an old typewriter, a copying machine, a razor blade and Scotch tape to forge a set of diplomatic cables that could directly pin the Diem killing on President Kennedy as he had been unable to find incontrovertible classified documents proving the link.  However, he did find that the driving force behind the 1963 coup had been the newly appointed American ambassador in Saigon, Henry Cabot Lodge, Richard Nixon’s running mate in the 1960 presidential election.  On his sixth day in Saigon, Lodge had cabled Washington: WE ARE LAUNCHED ON A COURSE FROM WHICH THERE IS NO TURNING BACK: THE OVERTHROW OF THE DIEM GOVERNMENT.  At the White House, JFK approved, overruling his closest advisers. 

Pg. 142:  Pakistan was created by the catastrophic British Partition of India in 1947, which led to hundreds of thousands of deaths as Muslims and other minorities fled to the newly created West Pakistan and East Pakistan (it is 1,200 miles from one to the other).  The animosity between the East and West exploded into violent conflict in the spring of 1971, after General Yahya’s opponents attained a measure of power after the first free elections were held in East Pakistan.  General Yahya, who ruled from West Pakistan, imposed martial law on the East.  His soldiers killed his opponents, a toll that ran well upward of one million.  American diplomats who witnessed the onslaught bluntly called it genocide and sent the ‘Blood Telegram’ to Washington boldly condemning the Nixon administration.  Nixon deliberately did nothing.  ‘Don’t squeeze Yahya,’ he wrote in a note to Kissinger, underlining the first word three times.  However, India (with Russian help) attacked West Pakistan and deposed General Yahya.  East Pakistan became Bangladesh in 1971.

Pg. 160:  The meeting that authorized the Watergate burglary was held on February 4, 1972.  Present at the meeting were Jeb Magruder, John Dean, Gordon Liddy, and John Mitchell.  The plan OK’d focused on the bugging and wiretapping of President Nixon’s political opponents.  Its targets specifically included the offices of Lawrence O’Brien and the Democratic National Committee at the Watergate Hotel. (On June 17, 1972 James McCord and his crew of four Cuban Americans broke into the Watergate).

In all $706,000 was collected from thirteen contributors who were given ambassadorships by Nixon after the 1972 election.  Nixon was worried that the Democratic National Committee knew who contributed to CREEP (the Committee to Re-elect the President: $20 million was collected, the White House was awash in cash).

Pg. 216:  Nixon was reelected on November 7, 1972.  Though it was the first election in which eighteen-year-olds could vote, the turnout was a mere 55 percent, on of the lowest recorded in the twentieth century.  Nixon took forty-nine of the fifty states and won 60.7 percent of the popular vote to McGovern’s 37.5 percent.

Pg. 223:  Over twelve days at Christmas 1972, 714 B-52 sorties dropped bombs around the North Korean capital—a force greater than each of the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.  North Vietnam struck back with surface-to-air missiles.  They brought down a total of fifteen B-52s.  Forty-two pilots and crewmen were killed and twenty-four captured.  However, Hanoi did agree to resume the Paris peace talks in January of 1973.

Pg. 231:  Mark Felt, the second highest ranking FBI member, was not the only source reporters had at the FBI; at least four top agents fed the press.  But Felt indisputably leaked to Bob Woodward at the Washington Post and to Sandy Smith at Time magazine. A corporate lawyer for Time ordered Smith to reveal his source; the attorney then called his good friend John Mitchell, which was how Nixon knew that Felt was leaking information.

Pg. 240:  On March 21, 1973, John Dean met with Nixon and made the tapped ‘Cancer within, close to the presidency…’ presentation.  He went through Liddy’s million-dollar plan, including all the codes and involved black bag operations, kidnapping, providing prostitutes to weaken the opposition, bugging, mugging teams.  Now the burglars demanded hundreds of thousands of dollars in blackmail to keep silent.  Haldeman had handed over $328,000 in CREEP founds for payoffs.  Dean then said these people are going to cost a million dollars over the next two years.  Nixon said ‘We could get that’. 

Pg. 282:  On August 29, 1973, Judge Sirica ordered Nixon to deliver to the court nine White House tapes.  Nixon had an ever-shifting set of schemes to avoid turning over the tapes.  One was to fire Archibald Cox.  Another was to create highly edited summaries of transcripts.  On October 1st, Nixon’s secretary Rose Mary Woods took a tape that included a conversation among Nixon, Haldeman, and Ehrlichman from June 20, 1972, three days after the Watergate break-in.  This became the famous 18 minutes missing from the tape incident.

Pg. 286:  The Saturday Night Massacre: On Saturday, October 20, 1973, Attorney General Richardson received an angry call from Al Haig ordering him to fire Watergate special prosecutor, Archibald Cox, who was investigating official misconduct on the part of the president and his aides.  When Richardson refused and resigned, so too did William Ruckelshaus, the deputy attorney general.  Haig then turned to Bob Bork and Bork complied by firing Cox.

Pg. 293:  The IRS discovered that Nixon had paid only $792 in income tax in 1970 and $878 in 1971 on a salary of $200,000.  It turned out Nixon had donated his pre-presidential papers to the National Archives and received a huge deduction, but his lawyers had backdated the deed of gift to dodge a change in the tax laws. 

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