Ben Bernanke “The
Courage To Act: A Memoir Of A Crisis And Its Aftermath”, W.W.Norton, 2015, 583 pp.
In 2006 Ben Bernanke replaced Alan Greenspan as
chairman for the Federal Reserve, just a year before the 2007 bursting of the
housing bubble and the beginning of the Great Recession. This, his personal memoir, recounts the
actions of the Fed between his 2006 appointment and retirement in 2014, when
Janet Yellen replaced him. As the Great
Recession progressed, it is apparent that we are fortunate that Bernanke had
dedicated much of his school life to the analysis of the 1930s Great Depression. He
makes a compelling case that in 2007 and
2008, the world economy came very close to collapse, and only novel efforts by
the Fed (cooperating with other United States and foreign government agencies)
saved us from an economic catastrophe greater than the Great Depression.
This book clearly
describes how Federal Reserve policy making is under unrelenting public and
political scrutiny. Rapidly changing
communications technologies—first, twenty-four-hour cable television, then
blogs and Twitter—seem not only to have intensified the scrutiny but also to
have favored the strident and uninformed over the calm and reasonable, the
personal attack over the thoughtful analysis.
The deepest frustration is with the government dysfunction itself. The founders had designed a system to be
deliberative; instead, it is paralyzed.
Too often the system promotes showboating, blind ideology, and
malice. Nothing productive can be done
until all the wrong approaches are tried first. (Pg. 536)
My Notes:
Pg.
33: In his school years, Bernanke became
a Great Depression buff in the way that other people are Civil War buffs,
reading not only about the economics of the period but about the politics,
sociology, and history as well. Prior to
Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz’s analysis of the Great Depression, the
prevailing view was summarized in Galbraith’s 1954 book The Great Crash, 1929, that the Depression was triggered by the
speculative excesses of the 1920s and the ensuing stock market crash. Friedman
and Schwartz showed that the collapse of the money supply in the early 1930s,
rather than the Great Crash, was the more important cause of the
Depression. The sharp decline in the
money supply hurt the economy primarily by inducing a severe deflation (falling
wages and prices). Prices in the US fell
by nearly 10 percent per year in 1931 and 1932.
This violent deflation in turn led households and firms to postpone
purchases and capital investments in anticipation of lower prices later,
depressing demand and output. Moreover, the international gold standard, which
created a monetary link among countries tied to gold, spread America’s
deflation and depression abroad.
However,
Bernanke wondered whether the collapse of the money supply and the ensuing
deflation, as severe as it was, could by itself explain the depth and length of
the Depression. Unemployment in the US
soared to 25 percent in 1933, from less than 5 percent before the 1929
crash. It did not fall below 10 percent
until the eve of the US entry into WWII, even though the deflation occurred
mostly prior to 1933. It seemed to
Bernanke that the lack of credit after the collapse of the banking system had
to have played a significant role in the slump as well. More than 9,700 of the nation’s 25,000 banks
failed between 1929 and 1933.
Pg.
44: Despite not having a central bank,
the US established a national currency—the greenback—in 1862, eventually
replacing a system in which private state-chartered banks issued their own
currency. And in 1873, the country
returned to the gold standard, which had been suspended during the Civil
War. However, the country during the period
without a central bank could not respond to the recurring bank runs and financial
panics that buffeted the economy, including major panics in 1837, 1857, 1873,
1893, and 1907.
Pg.
47: The Fed board consists of seven
members, appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate to staggered
fourteen-year terms. (The long overlapping
terms of members were intended to give the Board greater independence from
political pressure, although this effect is diluted in practice because Board
members almost never serve full terms.)
A new term opens every other year, and new members can be appointed to
open seats at any time.
Pg.
48: To improve the performance of
monetary policy, FDR’s reforms created a new body, the Federal Open Market
Committee (FOMC) to oversee the Fed’s buying and selling of government
securities, the primary tool through which the Fed determined short-term
interest rates and influenced the money supply.
The FOMC includes nineteen people—the seven Board members and the twelve
Reserve Bank presidents.
In 1975,
Congress set explicit objectives for monetary policy, directing the Fed to
pursue both maximum employment and price stability. These two objectives constitute the Fed’s so
called dual mandate.
Pg. 90: House prices rose 15 percent in 2005, on top
of a 16 percent increase in 2004. Robert
Shiller, who correctly predicted both the dot-com stock bubble and the housing
bubble, attributed the housing bubble largely to psychological factors rather
than low interest rates. He noted that
house prices began to accelerate rapidly in the US around 1998, well before the
Fed’s 2001 rate cuts. Sharp increases in
house prices occurred at about the same time in other countries, in spite of
having more restrictive monetary policies than the US.
Pg. 92: Another factor driving US home prices was a
tidal wave of foreign money that poured in
These inflows—largely unrelated to our monetary policy--held down longer
term rates, including mortgage rates, while increasing the demand for
mortgage-backed securities.
Pg. 96: The fragmentation of financial regulation and
the allowed shopping for more lenient regulators did not help. (In March 2007, the subprime lender
Countrywide Financial, by switching the charter of the depository institution
it owned, replaced the Fed as its principal supervisor with the OTS, after the
OTS promised to be less antagonistic).
In 2005, only about 20 percent of all subprime mortgages were made by
banks and savings institutions under federal supervision. Another 30 percent of subprime loans were
made by non-bank subsidiaries of federally regulated institutions. The remaining 50 percent of loans were
originated by independent mortgage companies chartered and supervised only by
the states.
Pg. 102: Subprime lending was widely seen as the
antidote to redlining—and thus a key part of the democratization of
credit. It helped push the US
homeownership rate to a record 69 percent by 2005, up from 64 percent a decade
earlier.
Pg. 106: Bad subprime mortgage loans would ultimately
expose the vulnerabilities of a fragile financial system. US house prices would plunge more than 30
percent from the spring of 2006 to the spring of 2009 and would not begin a
sustained recovery until early 2012.
Mortgages seriously delinquent or in foreclosure would soar from just
under 6 percent in the fall of 2005 to more than 30 percent at the end of
2009.
Pg. 205: Congress had added Section 13(3) to the
Federal Reserve Act in 1932, motivated by the evaporation of credit that
followed the collapse of thousands of banks in the early 1930s. Section 13(3) gave the Fed the ability to
lend to essentially any private borrower.
At least five members of the Board needed to certify that unusual and
exigent circumstances prevailed in credit markets and the borrower’s collateral
had to be sound enough that the Fed could reasonably expect full
repayment.
Pg. 215: Bernanke does not agree that size alone—Too
Big To Fail (TBTF) -- was the problem at Bear Stearns, rather it was TITF (To
Interconnected To Fail) that was the problem.
It had 5,000 trading counterparties and 750,000 open derivatives
contracts.
Pg. 227: Both Fannie and Freddie started out as
federal agencies, Fannie during the Great Depression, in 1938, and Freddie in
1970. However, both were later converted
by Congress to shareholder-owned corporations—Fannie in 1968 and Freddie in
1989. Although legally private, Fannie
and Freddie were regulated by and maintained close ties to the federal
government, were exempt from all state and local taxes, and had a line of
credit from the Treasury. This status
effectively privatized profits and socialized losses.
Pg. 286: Ultimately the US government would make
investments and loan commitments totaling $182 billion to prevent AIG from
failing. However, the government did
recouped all that it invested in AIG, and had a $23 billion profit.
Pg. 293: Barney Frank proposed that Monday, September
15—the day between Lehman’s failure and AIG’s rescue—be designated ‘Free Market
Day.’ ‘The national commitment to the
free market lasted one day, Barney said, It was Monday.’
Pg. 409: The Fed’s response to the Great Recession had
four main elements: lower interest rates to support the economy; emergency
liquidity lending aimed at stabilizing the financial system; rescues
(coordinated when possible with the Treasury and the FDIC) to prevent the
disorderly failure of major financial institutions; and the stress-test
disclosures of banks’ condition.
Pg. 409:
After the Fed interest rate had been pushed down to zero and could go no
further, the Fed ventured into large-scale purchases of mortgage-backed
securities. Bernanke was determined not
to repeat the blunder the Fed had committed in the 1930s when it refused to
deploy its monetary tools to avoid the sharp deflation that substantially
worsened the Great Depression. Even as
the financial panic subsided in 2009, the recession would deepen into the worst
economic downturn since the Great Depression.
Unemployment would peak at 10 percent in October 2009. A quarter of homeowners would owe more on
their mortgages than their homes were worth.
Lenders had begun 1.7 million foreclosures in 2008 and would initiate
2.1 million more in 2009 and 1.8 million in 2010. On March 9, 2009 the Dow Jones hit bottom,
closing at 6,547, a near twelve-year low.
Pg. 509: The debt ceiling law in the US is a
historical accident. Until WWI, when
Congress approved spending, it routinely authorized any necessary issuance of
government debt at the same time. In
1917, for administrative convenience Congress passed a law that allowed the
treasury to issue debt as needed, so long as the total debt outstanding
remained below a permitted amount. In
effect, Congress separated its spending decisions from its borrowing decisions. At some point it dawned on legislators that
approval of the debt ceiling could be used as a bargaining chip. The debt limit is not about spending and
taxing decisions themselves, rather, it is about whether the government will
pay the bills for spending that has already occurred. Refusing to raise the debt limit is not
analogous to a family cutting up its credit cards. It is like a family running up large credit
card bills and then refusing to pay. As
Congress continued this game in 2011, Standard and Poor’s downgraded US
government debt to one notch below the top AAA rating—citing, among other
factors, the prospect of future budget brinkmanship.


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